The announcement came one day after prosecutors seized computer servers and other equipment from the Fidesz headquarters in Budapest. This action was part of a corruption investigation into the National Culture Fund, which authorities allege served as a state-run payment center for Orbán’s inner circle and a shadow election campaign fund. Orbán denied any wrongdoing, alleging that the National Culture Fund issue was merely a pretext for the search. He accused the new center-right government of using its parliamentary supermajority to dismantle the rule of law and eliminate checks and balances.
Political Legal Actions
Orbán’s rhetoric coincides with significant legal proceedings against his former allies. On Tuesday, Hungarian MPs voted to lift the parliamentary immunity of two ministers from Orbán’s former government: Balázs Hankó, the former culture minister, and another official suspected of taking bribes. Hankó was taken into custody late on Monday. Prosecutors suspect him of misappropriating millions of euros in public funds, a charge he has denied. The detention marks a sharp departure from the previous administration, where such investigations were often criticized as politically motivated by the opposition.
Since taking office on May 9, Prime Minister Peter Magyar has moved rapidly to address what he describes as systemic corruption from the 16-year Orbán era. Magyar, a former Fidesz member who broke away in 2024, has utilized his party’s strong parliamentary position to pass sweeping reforms. These include a constitutional amendment that ended the mandates of the president and the head of the Constitutional Court, both of whom were considered allies of Orbán. Orbán has characterized these moves as signs of “tyranny,” arguing that Hungary has “ceased to be a democratic state” under Magyar’s leadership.
Electoral Context and Institutional Challenges
The political shift follows the April 12 general elections, in which Magyar’s Tisza party secured a landslide victory. Tisza won more than 55% of the vote, translating to 141 seats in the 199-seat parliament, while Fidesz received 52 seats. Due to Hungary’s first-past-the-post electoral system, Magyar now holds a two-thirds supermajority, a level of power that allows for constitutional amendments—a dynamic Orbán frequently utilized during his time in office.
As the new government pushes for accountability, it faces complex institutional tasks. Anna Unger, elected president of the National Asset Recovery and Protection Office on August 28, is tasked with building a 150-person agency to recover funds lost to corruption over the past decade and a half. Unger has acknowledged the difficulty of the role, noting that it is conceivable that not a single major case may result in a final court judgment during her term. Critics, including former MP Ákos Hadházy, have questioned her suitability for the position, arguing that a legal-focused approach might have been more effective. The new administration argues that these measures are necessary to expose the operating patterns of the previous regime and prevent the reproduction of corrupt systems.
Orbán’s declaration of resistance signals a new phase of political confrontation in Hungary. While Fidesz has suffered a heavy electoral defeat, Orbán maintains the party is growing stronger and will remain a significant political force. The coming months are expected to see intensified legal and political battles as the Magyar government continues to pursue corruption cases and enforce its reform agenda.
