The most significant institutional change involves the public media sector. The Hungarian Parliament has adopted a new media law that effectively abolishes the existing public media framework. Consequently, the Hungarian public media news channel has resumed broadcasting under a new operational mandate, signaling a break from the editorial lines established during Orbán’s tenure. This legislative move is part of a broader strategy by the incoming government to decouple state media from the previous ruling party’s influence.
For independent journalists, the shift is characterized by an immediate sense of relief from the climate of intimidation and surveillance that defined the previous era. At Telex, one of the few news sites that openly opposed the previous government, the atmosphere has changed visibly. Marton Karpati, president of the board at Telex, noted that senior managers have begun holding strategy meetings with their mobile phones in the room, a practice previously avoided due to fears of state-sponsored hacking.
“It was standard practice until the election. Since then I don’t care,” Karpati said. He explained that prior to the election, phones were left outside meeting rooms for fear that state hackers had turned them into listening devices. Karpati recalled that a telltale sign of hacking was increased battery usage, which had forced him to swap devices to prevent leaks. “We did not want a leak. Once they found out what we were planning it was easier to hijack us,” he added.
The previous administration’s control over the media was extensive. Orban backers had purchased approximately 80 percent of media outlets to ensure favorable coverage of the government and demonization of opponents. In 2018, Orban loyalists established the Central European Press and Media Foundation, an umbrella organization that incorporated 400 TV stations, news sites, and local newspapers to maintain uniform messaging. Independent outlets faced significant operational hurdles, including harassment and allegations of foreign interference.
Tamas Nemet, editor-in-chief of Telex, highlighted the threat posed by a proposed bill that would have punished publications receiving foreign donations. “A third of our income is from donations, and with this law anyone in Hungary sending in cash would have to sign a legal document, counter-signed by two witnesses, that the money did not come from foreign sources,” Nemet said. Karpati noted that even a single “suspect” €5 donation could have been sufficient grounds to suspend the site.
The pressure on independent journalism was not limited to legal threats but extended to physical interference. In March 2025, ahead of the April 12 elections, Telex reporters Judit Presinszky and Nóra Siteri were forcibly removed from a campaign event in the village of Csákberény. The incident occurred when Mayor László Vécsei physically pushed the journalists and covered the camera lens, preventing them from covering a forum attended by Deputy Prime Minister Zsolt Semjén. A member of the Polgárőrség, a nationwide network of civilian volunteer guards, subsequently barred them from re-entering the venue.
The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) called on Hungarian authorities to investigate the incident, describing it as a “deeply worrying signal about press freedom in Hungary.” While the Fejér county police confirmed a criminal investigation is underway based on the journalists’ complaint, the Polgárőrség stated that its internal review found the guard’s actions were not entirely professional but were a “situation-appropriate decision” in a volatile environment. Vécsei maintained that the event was closed and non-public.
The erosion of trust in the previous government was fueled by multiple factors, including economic stagnation and the leaking of phone calls between Orbán and Russian President Vladimir Putin. These transcripts revealed Budapest’s submissive relationship with Moscow, contradicting the government’s propaganda narrative regarding Ukraine. Journalist Szabolcs Panyi, who published parts of the transcripts, was charged with espionage by the government. He described the post-election period as a relief from surveillance, comparing it to a soldier easing into normal life after PTSD.
“Since the election I feel like a soldier with PTSD easing back into a normal life where I am not under surveillance and intimated,” Panyi said. He noted that while the market will take years to heal from the influence of Orban’s proxies, the immediate threat of state-sponsored disinformation has diminished. However, challenges remain for the new government in managing media relations. Magyar’s administration has warned that it intends to shut down Orban-controlled state TV and radio news teams, while granting independent sites priority access to official events.
Tensions have already emerged regarding accreditation. Andras Siklos, a journalist at Index, a site owned by Orban-friendly media boss Miklos Vaszily, claimed he was told it would be better if Index was not present at recent events. Vaszily accused the new government of threatening press freedom, while a spokeswoman for Magyar’s office stated that the outlet simply did not apply for accreditation or show up. The new administration faces the task of integrating these outlets into a pluralistic media landscape without resorting to the patronage tactics of its predecessor.
At Telex, the commitment to independent oversight remains unchanged. Karpati emphasized that the role of the press is to check power regardless of who holds it. “We don’t care who is in power, we will check up on them. We will do the same job with Peter Magyar. That is the number one rule. We are journalists,” he said. As the new Parliament proceeds with media reforms and the public broadcaster resumes operations under new guidelines, the coming months will determine whether Hungary can fully restore its democratic media ecosystem.
